Dugin admits his third positionism is merely synthesized socialism—derived from dialectic between capitalism and Communism (as Golitsyn said, socialism with a human face)
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THE MYSTERY OF SOCIALISM
Secret sympathy of antipodesThere is one very strange circumstance in the history of political teachings that never ceases to amaze political scientists and researchers of ideologies. This is an inexplicable craving for each other of the opposite poles of the political spectrum, which are not only actively interested in each other, but also quite often unite to fight against the center. This circumstance is so striking that there is even a popular cliché claiming that opposite extremes converge in politics. This thesis about the coincidence of extremums is often taken as an axiom (this is especially typical for a pragmatic center that does not want to go into details about the logic of its opponents and limits itself to pointing out their similarity, as if this explains anything). One might think that Nikolai Kuzansky's thesis about the "coincidence of opposites" (coincidencia oppositorum) is applicable not only to the extreme spheres of theology, but also to the political spectrum. In fact, this phenomenon deserves in-depth study. The fact that it is extremely common in specific politics does not mean that it is something self-evident. After all, Kuzansky spoke of the "coincidence of opposites" in God, at the point of the metaphysical limit, in the Absolute, and the political sphere, of course, has nothing to do with the Absolute. Consequently, in this case we are not dealing with something banal, but, on the contrary, with something mysterious, strange, disturbing; with something that needs the most serious research. Since this topic is extremely broad, we will highlight here only one aspect of the "coincidence of opposites" in politics. We are most interested in the ambiguity associated with the doctrine of socialism, which is the sphere of attraction of a wide variety and sometimes mutually exclusive ideological trends - extremely conservative, traditionalist, "reactionary", hierarchical, authoritarian, soil and spiritualist, on the one hand, and extremely modernist, progressive, egalitarian, technocratic and materialistic, on the other. Perhaps it is socialism that ideology where the farthest and most radically opposite tendencies coexist. Among the first socialists we see the heirs of the Enlightenment - mechanists and atheists (Louis Blanc, Proudhon, Marx, etc.) - and fiery mystics (Campanella, Mor, Pierre Leroux, Louis Constant (who later became Eliphas Levy), Fabre d'Olive, Saint-Yves d'Alveidre, etc.); pragmatists concerned with the rationalization of the social structure (Saint-Simon, Fourier, etc.) and sophisticated elite aestetes (William Blake, Oscar Wilde, etc.). Sorel becomes a teacher for Lenin and for Mussolini. Lassalle is in solidarity with Bismarck. Mao Zedong admits in a conversation with Malro that he is the "last Emperor". The extreme right, traditionalist and archaic is combined with the extreme left, "progressive" and ultramodern. What is the reason for such contempt for political logic, which is quite clearly observed in other sectors of the ideological spectrum, where the right remains right and the left remains left, without mixing and clearly differentiating its shades and variations on a fairly clearly defined scale?
Version Of The Third WayOne of the most attractive hypotheses explaining this paradox is, in our opinion, the idea of a fundamental, paradigmatic division of the entire ideological spectrum not into two camps - right-left - but into three camps, quite autonomous in relation to each other. The introduction of the concept of the Third Way as an independent ideological position largely complicates the usual vision of the political structure of society. Let's explain it. The dual division into right and left implies the existence of the Center, in which the political flanks reach a compromise by abandoning their most radical positions, initially determining that some are right-wing and others are left-wing. In this political dichotomy, the center is not something third, independent, but only the overlay of the most faded and weakened aspects of the right and left flank. In other words, in this model, the center has no independent ideological foundation and depends entirely on the quality of the position of the right and left. Any movement of the right to the right and left to the left or vice versa automatically entails a change in the position of the center. Political science, which takes into account not two, but three political positions, dramatically changes the whole picture. The Third Position or the Third Way is an ideological factor that is directly opposite to the position of the center in all respects. If the center is always a product of compromise, then the Third Way advocates extreme uncompromising (both on the right and on the left). If the center hates the extremes of the flanks ("extremism"), then the Third Way, on the contrary, welcomes all extremes, regardless of their political orientation. If the center is fundamentally dependent on the right and left, then the Third Way is fundamentally independent. If the center mediates and softens the positions of the edges, the Third Way sharpens and radicalizes them. If the center needs two sides of the political scale in order to exist, and the center is vitally interested in preserving this dualism, the Third Way, on the contrary, seeks to go beyond dualism, overcome duality, and synthesize and "transcend" the usual political system. The Third Way is the anti-center. The paradigm of this relationship can be the words of the Apocalypse addressed by Jesus Christ to the Angel of the Laodicean Church. "I know your deeds, you are not cold, and not hot. Oh, if you were cold or hot. But since you are not cold and not hot, but warm, I will vomit you out of My mouth." The political center is not cold and not hot. The Third Way is not on the side of Heat or Cold, it stands on the side of both Heat and Cold against Heat. If we accept the version of the Third Way, it will become obvious that all ideological paradoxes associated with the identification of a political figure or thinker in the right-left scale speak, most often, only about his belonging to the Third Way and the fallacy of his inclusion in the camp of the right or left. In this case, it is no longer about the mysterious craving of opposites to each other, not about the paradoxical love of Heat for the Cold, and vice versa, but about a special position, equally remote from both from one and the other poles, but equally sympathetic to the "coldest" and "hottest". We can say that such a position implies a unique craving for the Limit, for the complete exhaustion of the proposed ideological possibilities, the will to the Absolute. In practice, the Third Position can be implemented through both the "right" and the "left" flanks, if the total identification with the logic of its "party" and the radicalization of loyalty to its ideals leads the ideologist to the origin of its inspiration and leads further, on the other side of this source. Through the extreme Heat you can comprehend the mystery of the Cold, and through the extreme Cold - the mystery of the Heat. It is important to note, however, that the Absolute, on which the Third Position is focused, does not lie in the political sphere. The political, in this case, becomes only an instrument of human will, a field of manifestation of the Holy Spirit inherent in people. Thus, socialism as an ideological phenomenon that is least in line with conventional political schemes seems to be the closest to the very essence of the Third Way. Proudhon and Sorel, Muller van den Broek and Ernst Nikish felt it intuitively. Socialism is inextricably linked with the will to Synthesis, with eschatology, with the myth of overcoming the contradictions of the long world and the onset of the Kingdom, in which the laws of pale compromise and Pharisically covered-covered injustice will operate, but the grace of the New World, on the other side of the Cold and Fire. Socialism, whose forerunners Hegel is often attributed, is focused on Synthesis, which removes the thesis and antithesis, on the dizzying overcoming of the fatal frameworks of human and social reality. Socialism seeks not to smooth out the existing contradictions - both in economic and spiritual life, both in the political and cultural spheres - but by bringing these contradictions to the limit, opening them, discovering them, making a revolutionary coup and once and for all ending the bonds of the veiled Injustice and Tyranny - the tyranny of the socio-economic structure and the tyranny of Time going only in one direction, the tyranny of Matter and political oligarchies, the tyranny of religious hypocrisy and unconquered space. At the same time, the main enemy of socialism is everything that seeks to smooth out, hide existing contradictions, that it wants to give out the Kingdom of Injustice for the least evil, and present the ontological or historical Drama as a banal pattern. Therefore, socialism absorbs the most radical elements, all crisis and extreme projects - some of them illustrate to socialists the essential Trage of the "Old World", others anticipate the New.
Ferdinand Tennis and the structure of the socialist mythIn order to better understand the essence of socialism as the position of the Third Way, let us turn to the historical model, which in one form or another predetermines the logic of the socialist attitude to social, political and economic reality. In this matter, we will turn to the concept ofFerdinand Tennis, whose ideas underlie the entire school of German sociology. In the most general terms, the theory of Tennis is as follows. Any whole human collective - people, state, tribe, nation, etc. - can be attributed to one of the two fundamental categories that determine its quality. These categories are Community (Gemeinschaft) and Society (Gesellschaft). The French counterparts of these terms are communaute and societe. German terms reflect the essence of these concepts very clearly, since etymologically the word Gemeinschaft comes from the root "common" (commun, in French), and the word Gesellschaft from the root "connection, shackles, shackles" (similar etymology in French societe). (Unfortunately, there is no similar pair of terms in Russian, and for a clear understanding of the Tennis doctrine, one should keep in mind the German etymology.) The community, according to Tennis, is a traditional type of human collective based on the organic kinship of all its members among themselves. The prototype of the community is the family and its members. Tennis emphasizes that in the bosom of the family, the connections between its members are not connections between different individuals, strictly separated from each other. Indeed, a man in the family considers his wife, his children and his parents not so much as outsiders as as an extension of himself. Their pain is his personal pain; their joy is his joy; their hunger and illness are his ailment, and their health is his health. The same can be said about other family members. A family consisting of several people is at the same time a single organism functioning in a complete, physical, mental and moral relationship. Even at the level of satisfaction of the most ghostly instincts - nutrition, sexual desire, etc. - family members cannot completely separate themselves from the other, cannot be indifferent to their loved one. According to the family model, more large organic communities (Gemeinschaft) are formed - a family, a tribe, a village and so on up to the whole people. Every community, Tennis claims, has a single socio-economic and moral criterion embodied in Tradition, which is the basis of community existence. This Tradition may have its own church, theological formulation, but may not have it, transmitted through myths, continuity of moral and economic norms, through rituals and rituals. Be that as it may, even within the whole people, the community is characterized, first of all, by the lack of idea of the individual as the basic component of the collective. Members of the community are considered, on the contrary, as its private and fragmentary incarnations, as reflections in the mirror of a single Reality, the General Being, broken into many fragments. Tennis considers the Society (Gesellschaft) to be the second type of team. Society (Gesellschaft), unlike the community (Gemeinschaft), is built not on the principle of organic kinship and unity, but on the principle of a collective agreement that artificially binds atomic individuals and regulates their coexistence. Society does not assume any homogeneity of its members, since theoretically it can arise from any group of individuals who, in order to coexist, will simply be forced to create "connections" (Gesellen) between themselves, which are the basis of the social norm. Society (Gesellschaft) as a special type of collective is based on the principle of individual selfishness, which assumes that the realization of all human needs, starting with the most emanly, is his personal business. Of course, members of society (Gesellschaft) can and should cooperate to achieve personal goals, but any association is focused exclusively on achieving individual goals, which, however, may, as a possible consequence, lead to an increase in the welfare of all (but may not lead). According to Tennis, the community (Gemeinschaft) has always existed, and it is the most natural and normal type of human dormitory. Society (Gesellschaft), for its part, arose in the late stages of history as a result of the decomposition of organic relationships of the community (Gemeinschaft). The social history of mankind can be represented as a constant movement from the community (Gemeinschaft) to society (Gesellschaft). If in the ancient and medieval world these trends manifested themselves cyclically, then, starting with the advent of capitalism, the victory of society (Gesellschaft) over the community (Gemeinschaft) became undoubted, and the community with all its inherent traditional norms was pushed to the periphery of civilization. The bourgeois system, according to Tennis, is a complete triumph of the atomic collective, which builds its existence exclusively on the artificial norms of the contract. Socialism, defined in Tennis terminology, is a conscious reaction to the onsensive of society (Gellschaft), realized as alienation (Entfremdung), and the desire to return to organic forms of existence, to the community (Gemeinschaft), to the brotherhood and unity of an organic collective being. The desire for a community becomes "conscious" and "conscious" precisely when the last remnants of the community system disappear in the face of "contract civilization". Socialism, therefore, is a trend both conservative and revolutionary at the same time, as it is focused on the realization of the ideal of the past in the future. In socialism, the dialectical factor comes to the fore, since the return to the community (Gemeinschaft) after its destruction by capitalist society (Gesellschaft) should become a process qualitatively different from the existence of the community (Gemeinschaft) by inertia. Therefore, the teleological orientation of socialism assumes in the future not just a community, but an Absolute Community based not on brotherhood, but on "universal brotherhood". In fact, the socialists want to return not to yesterday, but to the day before yesterday, to the Golden Age, to the East. Hence the sometimes seemingly strange imagery of socialist utopias, in which not just organic, realistic and communal relations are sung, but the edemic ideal, the proto-community (Urgemeinschaft). In fact, any consistent socialism must logically end with communism, the triumph of the planetary community, the great restoration of the Golden Age. Whatever theoretical considerations the fundamental socialist myth is clothed - from Marx's economic statements to Campanella's or Fourier's mystical fantasies - it remains fundamentally unified, conservative-revolutionary in its basis, "tertiaputist", "heroic", modernist and restorer at the same time. Such strange utopian details in the descriptions of communist society, such as the community of wives, the management of the elements, the absence of labor, the lack of private property, etc., are nothing more than a simplified, secularized idea of Paradise, the original adamic state, in which there are not many individuals, but a single Subject in ontological abundance. If now from the social level, operating in such categories as society (Gesellschaft) and community (Gemeinschaft), we move on to a religious understanding of history - both in those traditions where history is thought linearly (Christianity, Judaism) and in those traditions where the cyclical understanding of history dominates (Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, paganism, etc.) - we will see an exact analogue of a historical vision. Moreover, the desire to return to the Origin, to return the paradise state once lost by the forefathers, but already with a new, renewed consciousness that has comprehended the dark mystery of exile, is the basis of all religious ethics, any spiritual attitude to the problem of Time. Socialism only reduces this paradigm to the level of social reality, poses the same problem in socio-political terms. The rich, who find it more difficult to enter paradise than a camel to get through a charcoal ear, turn from an anthropological, symbolic category into a social class. The poor in spirit are found in the most disadvantaged class - in the workers oppressed by the capitalists. But workers were not always social cogs of a soulless machine. Once they were "loyal to the earth", belonged to the community, had Tradition. They turned into proletarians not from animals, but from noble Workers. So, their rebellion against the exploiters has a deep restorative meaning. They, having descended to the bottom of the social Night, will bring the world the dare of the New Day and restore the Community, Brotherhood and Justice. Socialism is an uprising against society. Socialism is the anticipation of communism.
Revolution against evolutionOne of the essential points of the socialist idea is the principle of the Revolution, which underlies both the socialist understanding of history and the very existential pathos of socialism. Etymologically, the word "revolution" means "rotation" (meaning "wheels", "sun", etc.) or even "return". This term is directly related to the logic of the socialist myth, focused on a dialectical return to the East after passing the phase of alienation. Revolution is a heroic overcoming of the maximum of ontological and social entropy, a rebellion against the inexorable rock that decomposes the organic fabric of the community (Gemeinschaft) and gives rise to the social kingdom of Injustice, the extreme phase of which is the bourgeois system. At the moment of the revolution, all the forces of the socialist struggle are concentrated, since it is in this event that the element of heroic will is fully revealed, which at this moment finally separates itself from the element of social inertia, proves the otherness of its nature and reveals its deep quality - vertical in relation to the inertial flow of history. The revolution is the culminating stage of the entire socialist eschatology, focused in its purest form not on development, not on evolution, not on gradual improvement and "progress", but, on the contrary, on a sharp leap from the lowest to the highest ("who was nothing, he will become everything"), on a heroic deed, on overcoming, on a great uprising against the immanent laws of social history. And here we are again faced with a paradox: the essence of the socialist understanding of history is based on its understanding as degradation, as a permanent perfection and totalization of the means of exploitation, as the destruction of organic community ties, as a distance from "cave communism", but at the same time, socialists are considered to be supporters of "progress", and it is the idea of the inevitability of "social progress" that underlies the doctrinal conviction of socialists in the inevitability of the Revolution. This point requires clarification. If the paradoxical nature of socialism as a doctrine, its deep kinship with the idea of "coincidence of opposites" forces it to be attributed to the ideology of the Third Way, or even equate it with this ideology, then how to explain the fact that very often conventional political science refers socialism to the category of left-wing ideologies? Apparently, under the same term - "socialism" - there are two different doctrinal systems, differing from each other not in the degree of radicality, but in their essential, ontological orientation. Having looked closely at the real socialist movements, we will easily understand the difference between "socialism of the Third Way" (or simply socialism) and "left-wing socialism" (or pseudo-socialism). Left-wing socialism fits perfectly into a bipolar political scheme, which means that it does not question the legitimacy of such a system, trying only to influence the center and shift it as "to the left" as possible. At the level of a historiosophical vision, this means abandoning the Revolution as the culmination of socialist action and replacing this Revolution with the principle of Evolution, progress. Progress for true revolutionary socialism consists in the leap, in the traumatic rupture of the homogeneous flow of social history. Society (Gesellschaft), "old world", "world of violence" is subject, according to truly socialist doctrine, not to "improvement", but to "abol", "destruction", "destruction". Instead of it, there should be a "new world", "our world", "the world of the Community (Gemeinschaft)", but not the community (Gemeinschaft) that was destroyed by capitalist society (Gesellschaft), and therefore imperfect, unable to protect itself from the pernicious influence of Alienation and Injustice, but the New Community, the Absolute Paradise Community, where the elements of ontological and social entropy will have no access at all. Evolution-oriented socialism understands "progress" not as a heroic leap, not as a strong-willed feat of the revolutionary elite leading the masses of the disadvantaged - i.e. those who providentially put by society in an extreme position, allowing to understand all the drama of the alienating determinism of history - but as an acceleration of the very social process that led to the generation of society (Gesellschaft) as a special collective reality. So, between revolutionary socialism and evolutionary socialism - the difference not only in the degree of radicalism, but in the very essence. The first one sees social history as an essential degradation and is oriented against its current, vertically towards it. The second one is in solidarity with this story and strives to accelerate it. Communism and true socialism have no greater enemy than social democracy. Left-wing socialism is not just renegade, it is an absolute enemy of the socialism of the Third Way, and not only because of the consideration or non-accounting of national, state, religious factors (as some think), but because of its original, deep vector otherness. Here we can also point out some etymological paradox, which an attentive reader has probably already noticed in the place where we talked about the opposition of community (Gemeinschaft) and society (Gesellschaft) in Tennis. The fact is that the word "socialism" itself comes from the Latin "socium", i.e. "society" in the sense of Gesellschaft. "Communism" is etymologically related to the word "commune", i.e. "community", Gemeinschaft. If we understand socialism as the "previciple of communism", and this is one of the most common options, then we will deal (already by definition) with revolutionary socialism, the socialism of the Third Way. Such socialism is on the other side of the Jump, which separates the old world from the New. If we understand socialism strictly etymologically, i.e. as a political system in which society (Gesellschaft) reaches its apogee, then we are dealing with evolutionary socialism, which does not contradict the logic of capitalism, but, on the contrary, brings this logic to the limit. Such socialism (most often called social democracy), left-wing socialism is a concentrate of the Old World, the "world of violence", where exploitation not only does not disappear, but reaches its peak - both in cruelty and sophistication. The highest form of slavery occurs when the very fact of slavery is no longer realized by slaves. With such left-wing socialism, the true socialism of the Third Way is in a state of absolute struggle. The fiery flurry of the Communist Revolution is ultimately directed against him.
Elite and the Mystery of PovertyOscar Wilde in his novel "The Canterbury Ghost" gave a surprisingly deep description of the essence of socialism. One of the characters in this story, the Canterbury Ghost, says: "There is no mystery higher than the mystery of Love except the mystery of Poverty." Poverty is the magical state in which the great power of socialism is born. Poverty is the limit of descent in the social hierarchy, in which the disadvantaged place only at the very bottom. In traditional society, in the community (Gemeinschaft), in the organic structure, poverty never had the mystical meaning it acquired with the onset of capitalism. The lack of material wealth in the community is a sign of higher castes - priestly and administrative. Hence the vows of poverty in monastic and knightly orders. Poverty in traditional society is revered as a virtue, as it shows a tendency to overcome the material, to saving spiritual asceticism, redeeming by its very fact the inevitable materiality of the rest of the team members. Poverty was closely coinciled in Tradition with the idea of the elite. Inequality there was based on spiritual, not material factors. Therefore, asceticism was not on the periphery, but in the center of social reality, being a fertile point of contact of the lower with the highest, the lower with the mountain, the optical focus of communication between the energies of the Sky and the energies of the Earth. The degradation of the community (Gemeinschaft) and the final establishment of an individualistic, "collective-contractual" order transferred poverty from the center to the outskirts of society, made it a synonym for social vice. The poverty of some began to be perceived not as compensation for the well-being of others, with a corresponding change of roles in the spiritual sphere, but as an evil in itself. Such "despicable poverty" is the source of the greatest socialist mysticism. The poverty zone has become the only sphere of concentration of the Authentic, Spiritual, Just under capitalism. It was here that the authentic elite came, which remained faithful to the principles of the community (Gemeinschaft) and abandoned the bourgeois-individualistic rules of the dormitory. The more despicable, rejected and disadvantaged a person is in capitalism, the clearer his providential election, his otherness, his "subjectivity" is manifested. Nietzsche wrote: "I anvisate the time when the last noble man will become untouchable, a chandala." And here the cyclical idea of socialism is manifested, the paradigm of which can be considered the Gospel parable of the prodigal son. The prodigal son leaves his father's happy abode - social history moves from the community stage (Gemeinschaft) to the society stage (Gesellschaft). He spends all his fortune - the true elite, loyal to the community (Gemeinschaft) loses all external signs of its status, becomes the category of rejected, disadvantaged; creative work loses its value with the flourishing of financial capitalism. And finally, the prodigal son, who has known the bitterness of rejection, returns to his father with new knowledge, with a precious experience of Poverty - there is a Revolution of the elite displaced to the periphery against the entropic laws of "evolution" and its return to its true position, but already with a deep experience of Suffering and Compassion. The one "who was nothing" becomes "everyone" who in fact he was before, but only then, before "becoming nothing", he was not yet aware of the "depth" of existence, its third dimension, its dark limit. The spirit of the Revolution, the energy of Return, the elite draws from the experience of Deprivation. At the same time, one more circumstance is important. Socialism implies a unique revolutionary alliance between the highest spiritual aristocracy, "deprived of inheritance" by the regime of the well-fed bourgeoisie and the masses of the people, the bottom, most subject to the exploitative pressure of the mediocrity that triumphed with capitalism. This is another "coincidence of opposites" inherent in socialist doctrine. This union between the subjective pole of the Revolution ("professional revolutionary") and its object pole ("popular masses") has a deep basis. Creatures immersed in the mystery of Poverty are fundamentally divided into two anthropological categories - a people passively suffering from the perversion of social proportions, in which unconscious hatred of the "contractual system" accumulates, and the socialist counter-elite (according to the Pareto classification), active and militant, guessing in the oppressed masses the image of its own soul, deprived, however, of reasonableness and will. This anthropological duality is the basis of the revolutionary hierarchy of socialism, which does not violate the equality of the revolutionary elite and the people in the face of the oppressors or the greatness of the socialist ideal. This is a hierarchy of self-sacrifice, a hierarchy of service, which can neither be parodied nor turned into a source of personal well-being for the reason that the measure of revolutionary superiority is the degree of comprehension of the mystery of Poverty, the depth of suffering and compassion, the level of selflessness and readiness to turn one's life, one's destiny into the fire of the Great Eschatological Fire. In this aspect, as everywhere, socialism at the political level implies a total war against the center, against mediocrity, against mediocrity, against bourgeois conservatives who boast their privileges and against bourgeois progressives obsessed with envy of everything that stands out. A truly socialist approach consists in a paradoxical but deeply grounded alliance between the ultimate forms of "equality" and the ultimate forms of hierarchical structure. The Mystery of Love, which was mentioned by Wilde's character, was the basis of the Community (Gemeinschaft), a traditional system. The Mystery of Poverty becomes the germ of the eschatological Revolution at the stage of social history when the community (Gemeinschaft) collapses, replaced by society (Gesellschaft). From this new mystery, "new heavens and a new earth" are created.
Socialism and DeathThere is a rather curious interpretation of the socialist worldview as "social thanatophilia", "the astrive to death". Both conservatives and liberals wrote on this topic. Among European authors, the works of Norman Cohn ("Waiting for the thousand-year-old kingdom") are interesting. Among Russian researchers, the most interesting is Igor Shafarevich, who summarized the most serious anti-socialist arguments in the remarkable work "Socialism as a phenomenon of world history". In principle, the "thanatophilia" of its critics are found, first of all, in the "unreality", "unrealizability" of its aspirations, in the grotesque desire of many socialists to bring the principles of community (Gemeinschaft) to the limit, including the community of wives, the absence of all individual forms of existence of people - personal apartments, household items and even children. The fanaticism of the socialists borders on hatred of the laws of natural life, with the demand to subordinate these laws to the socialist will, with the desire, in the end, to destroy the "old world" up to its biological and even mineral roots. All this is indeed present in socialist authors, but the very statement of these aspects, in our opinion, is far from sufficient: it needs an explanation, which, as a rule, is not contained in the works of critics of socialism. What is behind this "thanatophilia", imaginary or genuine? The logic of the socialist understanding of history can also be expressed in the categories of life-death. In the beginning there is life, paradise, completeness, organic and natural form of existence of the community as a single organism. The destruction of the community (Gemeinschaft), the disintegration of organic ties and the gradual emergence of society (Gesellschaft) are the transition to death. The Final Revolution means a new finding of life, but not just the one that was and ended, but a New Life standing on the other side of death, not subject to its pernicious, entropic influence, superlife, Superbios, which means not just maximization of vitality, but its "transcendence". The New Man is not just a "recovered Dild Adam". This is Adam saved, fundamentally saved from the fatal patterns of degradation, to which even paradise is subject. The ancient Greeks understood this perfectly well when they claimed that even immortal gods are subject to the highest law of Destiny. The emergence of bourgeois society is the death of organic life for socialists. But when the death of capitalism comes, then something else arises - unlike life or death. It is this other, Otherness, Eschatological Aeon, Fantastic World of the Eternal and is taken as a sign of "thanatophilia" by the criticism of socialism, whose horizon is limited either by nostalgia for archaic and irretrievably lost pre-social organicity, for "cave capitalism", or by a completely pathological perception of bourgeois "heat" (neither Heat nor Cold) as "normal life". Critics of socialism both on the right and on the left, however, rightly see socialism as the face of death, but this is not death as such, but their own death, as both the right and left defenders of the System are doomed to disappear in the eschatological fire of the Last Revolution, unless, of course, they recognize their secret, but previously unrecognized dreams in the impending flurry of the Fire Transformation.
The End of TimeOne of the typical arguments of opponents of eschatology, i.e. the doctrine of the End of the World, is the statement that the repeated expectation of the near End of the World in history always ended with nothing. Faithful Traditions answer that one day this event will happen, as it must happen according to the sacred logic of history. The scriptures also claim that this event will happen exactly when it is least expected. It's the same with socialism. Many times in history there have been events that could typologically be equated with socialist revolutions. And every time it turned out that it was an illusion, that the "new world" was only a partial improvement of the "old one", that the poison of entropy penetrated the revolutionary reality, that the restored community did not have all the necessary qualities of a true socialist victory. But this in no way means that such a real Revolution, the Last Revolution, will never happen. Perhaps, only, it will erupt suddenly, like the Storm, emerging in the center of absolute calm. One of the reasons for the impossibility of implementing the Revolution to the end is the constant and rather subtle infiltration of socialist teachings by doctrinal elements that undermine the implementation of its basic strategy. Revisionism erodes socialism from the inside, like a hidden heresy. Insidious "agents of influence" of world entropy seek to introduce elements alien to it into the socialist myth: then they become the ideas of "human rights" (as in French socialism), then the concept of evolution and progress (this disease, and especially its mystical form embodied in cosmic communism, is characteristic of Russian socialism), then xenophobic and chauvinistic excesses (this undermined the foundations of German socialism), then the theory of "national election" (which distorted Jewish socialism). But all this only makes us understand the mystery of Poverty deeper and deeper, which can only reveal to us the true proportions that guarantee the final success of OUR Revolution. Socialism is a matter of truly disadvantaged masses (look more carefully to see if petty-bourgeois, bourgeois aspirations are hidden behind the objective poverty of the proletarian, which are not realized only because there are no external conditions for this!) and a truly radical elite (be careful, as if behind the revolutionary pathos of ideologues there is no immoderate individualistic vanity, looking only for a scandal, or empty intellectual demagogy!). Perhaps only when both of them really understand the Mystery of Poverty, they will be able to unite their will so much that the old world will really be destroyed to the ground. Or maybe capitalism has not yet discovered the fullness of its Mystery of Lawlessness, necessary in order to defeat it, not the secondary consequences, but the cause of historical evil. Today, the last strongholds of what until recently seemed to be socialism are collasing. All the better. Another chimera has been exposed. Are the hysterical evolutionism of Soviet philosophy, faith in progress and renegade slogans like "Everything for man, everything for the good of man" compatible with the spirit of true socialism? Today, capitalism is entering its last stage, following the imperialist stage. This is the stage of mondialism. The whole world is turning into a kingdom of Quantity. The triumphant heralds of the System announce the End of History. Yes, this End is near. But it will be completely different from what the world's worlders see it to. The fire of the planetary National Revolution, the Socialist Revolution, the Last Revolution, which will put an end to the exhausted cycle of human history, is coming. The New Man is standing on the threshold. Soon he will enter this dead world. But the world of capitalist darkness will not "embrace" him... It comes like lightning, from the edge of the sky to the edge... And in his kingdom the Terrible and Righteous Judgment over the living and the dead will begin... And there will be no time. Alexander Dugin |
Source: https://web.archive.org/web/20031002215815/http://elements.hypermart.net/4zagadka.htm